Reign of Charles II. (Continued) page 6

At this first appearance of the hero who was to demolish the continental scheme of Louis's ambition, he displayed the same close and impenetrable character as accompanied him through life, and which he inherited from his ancestor, William I., whom the Spanish named, "Silence." After a severe battle at Woerden, one of his officers asked him what he would attempt next. "Can you keep a secret?" asked William. "Yes," said the officer. "And so can I," replied the prince, drily.

Louis XIV., who by no means relished a campaign of this kind, returned to Paris, and left Turenne to contend with the enemy, who, though he displayed the highest military talents, and still held many strong places, saw that the conquest of Holland was little better than hopeless. At sea the duke of York arrived off the Dogger Bank, to intercept the Dutch East India fleet in vain, and De Ruyter lay snug in port.

At home Charles had promoted his cabal ministry, as if they had done some great deed, to honours and titles. Clifford was called lord Clifford of Chudleigh; lord Arlington, earl of Arlington; and Ashley, earl of Shaftesbury. Buckingham and Arlington received the honour of the garter. In order to protect the bankers whom he had kept out of their money, from the suits commenced against them by their creditors in chancery, Charles desired Bridgman to enter an injunction there, but Bridgman doubted the rectitude of the proceeding, and he was suddenly removed, and Shaftesbury put in his place', who at once issued the injunction, and appointed a distant day for hearing evidence against it. Ashley, as the new lord chancellor, displayed a. vanity and eccentricity which caused him to be greatly ridiculed by the lawyers. He went to preside on the bench in "an ash- coloured gown silver-laced, and full-ribboned pantaloons." He at first acted with much self-sufficiency and conceit, but was soon brought to his senses by the lawyers, and afterwards became one of the most tame and complying judges that ever sate on the bench. Violent altercation, however, arose betwixt Ashley and Arlington, who expected Ashley's place made vacant in the treasury, which was given to Clifford.

On the 5th of February, 1673, parliament was summoned after a recess of nearly a year and a half. Ashley undertook to justify the shutting of the exchequer and the Dutch war. But the days of the cabal were numbered. The king, by their advice, had, during the recess, issued a declaration of indulgence. This was done with the hope of winning the support of the nonconformists and the papists. But of all subjects, that of indulgence of conscience in religion, at that period, was the most double-edged. The nonconformists were ready enough to enjoy indulgence, but then the eternal suspicion that it was intended only as a cloak for the indulgence of popery, made them rather satisfied to be without it than enjoy it at that peril. No sooner, therefore, had they granted Charles the liberal sum of one million two hundred thousand pounds, tobe collected by eighteen monthly assessments, than the commons fell on this proclamation of indulgence. The members of the church and the nonconformists united in their denunciation of it. On the 10th of February they resolved, by a majority of one hundred and sixty-eight to one hundred and sixteen, that "penal statutes, in matters ecclesiastical, cannot be suspended except by act of parliament." Charles stood for awhile on his prerogative, but the effervescence in the house and country was so great that he gave way, and his declaration, that what he had done should not be drawn into a precedent, on the 8th of March was received with acclamations by both houses, and by rejoicings and bonfires by the people.

The cabal, seeing their error in this respect, fell into an opposite one. Arlington recommended, to. Charles that, to pacify the fears of the country, it would be well to have an act passed requiring every person holding any office, civil or military, not only to take the oath of allegiance and supremacy, but that he should receive the sacrament in the form prescribed by the church of England, or be incapable of receiving or continuing such office. All such persons were required also to make a declaration against transubetantiation, under a penalty of five hundred pounds, of being disabled from suing in any court 9f law, or of being a guardian or executor. This act was passed by both houses unanimously, the nonconformists being promised that another bill should be introduced to protect them from the operation of this. But before it was done parliament was prorogued on the 29th of March, and they were taken in their own trap.

No sooner was this act passed, which became known as the Test Act, and continued in force till the reign of George IV., than the ministers found that they had overshot themselves again. Its immediate effect was to compel lord Clifford to resign his staff: the wedge was thus introduced into the cabal, and the duke of York, who resigned his office of lord high admiral, became inimical to them. Shaftesbury had given great offence to the king by being in a hurry in the lords to pronounce the indulgence illegal, and soon after the prorogation Charles took the great seal from him, and gave it to Sir Heneage Finch. The office of lord treasurer, resigned by Clifford, was given by the king to Sir Thomas Osborne, a gentlemen of Yorkshire, who was-created earl of Danby, and became in reality prime minister. The rise of Danby was the certain destruction of the cabal. His foreign policy was entirely opposed to theirs: he saw clearly enough the ruinous course of aggrandising France at the expense of the protestant states of Europe; his views of domestic policy were more profound, though not less unprincipled than theirs. He saw the necessity of combining the old royalist and church interests for the support of the throne, but he set about this process by buying up the favour of the cavaliers, the nobles, the country gentlemen, and the clergy and universities. He was not the first to bribe - the cabal had done that so far as parliament members were concerned, but Danby, like Walpole, and the ministers after him, bought up any and every man that could secure his views, by direct bribes or lucrative appointments. He might be said to be the father of that system of corruption which became so universal in after times, and has yet left its prolific slime on our ministerial system.

When parliament reassembled on the 7th of January, 1674, there appeared alarming proofs of some whispered disclosures having taken place during the disruptions in the cabal, regarding the king's secret treaty with Louis. Charles solemnly denied his having any secret engagement whatever with France. Parliament also exhibited its uneasiness regarding the practices of the papists. The duke of York, since the prorogation of parliament on the 4th of November last, had married the Maria D'Este, a catholic princess, sister of the duke of Modena. This had roused all the fears of the country regarding the succession, and the commons recommended severe measures against the papists, and that the militia should be ready at an hour's notice to act against any disturbances on their part. They also demanded the removal of all persons from the ministry popishly affected, and of those who advised the alliance with France and the rupture with Holland, and the placing a foreigner at the head of the army. Both army and navy, in fact, were commanded by foreigners - prince Rupert had succeeded the duke of York as admiral; Schömberg was sent with the army to Holland. Under the direction of Shaftesbury, who had now gone over to what was called the country party, that is, the opposition they called for the dismissal of Lauderdale, Arlington, and Buckingham. Against Lauderdale were objected his maladministration in Scotland; and in truth, if he had had his due for his cruelties there, he would long ago have lost his head. Against Buckingham and Arlington were charged the crimes of the cabal generally, and against Arlington, in particular, peculation and embezzlement.

Buckingham and Arlington condescended to defend themselves at the bar of the commons, for which they received a vote of censure from the peers, as derogatory to their dignity as members of the upper house; and a standing order was made that no peer should answer an accusation before the commons in person, by counsel, or by letter, on penalty of being committed to the custody of the black rod, or to the Tower, during the pleasure of the house. Buckingham threw much of the blame on Arlington, whom he hated, and Arlington retorted it on Buckingham.

Charles, however, so fäf displayed no disposition to remove these obnoxious ministers, but he pressed for liberal supplies, and the commons, on their part, were in no haste to grant them. They were now nearly sick of the Dutch war, from which no honour, but much expense flowed. The tide of success was now fast running in favour of the States. Spain and Austria were in the field to support William of Orange. Montecuculli, the Austrian general, had eluded Turenne, and laid siege to Bonn, and William having reduced Naerden, had formed a junction with Montecuculli; Bonn was taken, and the French army was compelled to retreat.

Charles himself not having been able in the autumn to draw his pension from Louis, and parliament now holding fast its purse-strings, he was ready to listen to terms from Holland. On this the States offered, through the Spanish ambassador, Del Fresno, the terms which they refused at the congress of Cologne. The conquests on both, sides should be restored, the honour of the flag conceded to England, and eight hundred thousand crowns should be paid Charles for indemnification for the expenses of the war. Had the terms been far inferior, the fact of the money would probably have decided the matter with Charles. As to the dignity of stadtholder for William, the States themselves settled that, by conferring it on him and his heirs for ever, before the time of their treaty, and nothing whatever was said of the ten thousand pounds for liberty to fish. On the 9th of February the treaty was signed, and on the 11th announced to parliament by Charles. Louis got information of these proceedings before this announcement, and sent through Ruvigni an offer of a large sum, but it was too late. Charles said he had gone too far, but that he would still remain the friend of Louis, and endeavour to mediate betwixt him and the stadtholder. Charles had clearly broken faith with Louis, having repeatedly bound himself to make no peace without him; but then Louis had not paid the stipulated sum, and what could the poor king do without' money? On the other hand, however, though he had made peace with Holland, yet he left his army under Monmouth with the French to fight against it.

Whilst parliament continued to sit, the duke of York was in continual terror of some measure to exclude him from the throne. Such measures were attempted; a bill was proposed in the lords by Carlisle, and warmly supported by Shaftesbury and Halifax, to make the penalty for marrying a catholic the forfeiture of the throne. It was thrown out, but to prevent the introduction of some fresh scheme, James importuned Charles to prorogue parliament. The king replied that it was impossible without supplies. To obviate this the duke applied to the king of France, who, equally apprehensive of the parliament, which condemned the Dutch war, sent Charles five hundred thousand crowns, and parliament was immediately prorogued till the 10th of November. During the summer Charles, to reduce the opposition of the house of commons, concluded to dismiss Buckingham and Arlington from the ministry; but he gave to Arlington the post of chamberlain of the household. Whilst in that situation, Arlington strongly recommended to the king a marriage betwixt William of Orange and Mary, the eldest daughter of the duke of York. He represented how much this was likely to please the protestant interest. Charles readily consented to it, but the English party with whom William was in close communication, warned him against it, as likely to persuade the English people that he was in league with the king and the duke of York against their liberties. William, therefore, curtly turned aside the proposal.

Parliament reassembled on the 13th of April, 1675. Buckingham had now joined Shaftesbury and the opposition, and under this government the house of commons demanded that the English troops under Monmouth should be recalled from the continent. Dutch money was said to have stimulated this demand, and a fiery debate succeeded - so fiery, indeed, that members were very near drawing their swords on one another; but Danby applied the antidote in a liberal distribution of English money, and the patriots left Monmouth and turned their fury on Lauderdale again, but without succeeding in displacing him. Danby himself was threatened with impeachment, but he threw fresh oil on the troubled waters in the shape of more gold from the treasury, and the storm blew over.

In the lords, however, a most atrocious attempt was made by this unprincipled minister. He seized on the no-popery cry to introduce a measure which would at once enslave parliament. This was an oath as a special test for parliament; every member of which was to take, as well as all officers of state and privy councillors, the passive obedience oath already required of magistrates. Danby had secured the advocacy of the bench of bishops - bishops Morley and Ward speaking zealously in its favour. But Shaftesbury, Buckingham, and the opposition generally, resisted it with all their power. They said whilst the oath was limited, the high court of parliament remained free to define or control it; but if parliament itself took it, it became tongue-tied for ever, and the birthright of Englishmen was lost. The debate lasted seventeen days, during which time Charles himself attended to watch its progress. He went to take his stand by the fire, and Marvell said the opposition had to fight it out with the sun, i.e., with the fireside always in their faces. Eventually ministers were compelled to alter the penalty of the oath from exclusion from parliament to a fine of five hundred pounds, and exclusion from any office or commission under the crown. In this form it passed the lords, but in the commons, where parties appeared nearly equally balanced, it was defeated through the ingenuity of Shaftesbury, who got up a quarrel betwixt the lords and commons on a totally different subject. Charles detected the clever hand of his quondam minister, and declared that it was the work of some one who was no friend to either him or the church; but the quarrel went on, and the king, despairing either of supplies or the resumption of the test act, prorogued the parliament, in great vexation, on the 9th of June.