The Commonwealth. page 8

Cromwell had long been accused by his own party of aiming at the possession of the supreme power. At what period such ideas began to dawn in his mind is uncertain; but as he felt himself rising above all his contemporaries by the energy and the comprehensive character of his mind, there is no doubt that he secretly indulged such ideas. Ludlow, Whitelock, Hutchinson, and others, felt that such was the spirit growing in him, and many of those who had most admired his genius, fell away from him, and openly denounced Iiis ambitious intentions as they became more obvious. The excellent colonel Hutchinson and Sir Henry Vane charged him with the ruin of the commonwealth.

But Cromwell must have long felt that nothing but a military power could maintain the ascendancy of those principles which he and his fellow independents entertained and held sacred. The world was not prepared for them. The roots of royalty were too deeply struck into the heart of the nation by centuries of its existence, to be torn out by the follies and tyrannies of one family. Republicanism, in its pure and free form, implies a state of things in which the whole community is imbued with the principle of equal rights, and the love of their exercise, A state in which men are become educated into a living sense, not only of their own rights, but of the rights of their neighbours; not only of their rights, but of their duties. A state in which the resolve to exercise the fullest franchise is admirably blended with a sense of the necessity of subordination to self-constituted authorities. A state in which enlightened liberty shall produce, not faction, but patriotism. In a word, as a republic is the highest conceivable form of government, so it clearly demands the highest moral as well as intellectual development of society for its maintenance. Such a state of things none but enthusiasts like Lilburne could suppose was existing then.

But if a free parliament, which it had been the proud boast of the reformers to be the sole seat of the national power, could not exist; if the sitting body calling itself a parliament, could not even add to its members without endangering its own existence either from itself or from the jealousy of the army - what could exist? Clearly nothing but a dictatorship - and the strongest man must come uppermost. That strongest man was without a question Cromwell. In the senate or the field he was alike clear sighted, energetic, and predominant by sheer force of character. He was said to be no orator, to be even confused and bewildered in speech; but on all occasions for speaking out strongly, so far as we can judge by his remaining speeches, he had a power and common -sense force in his speech, which burst through all mystification, like the sun through clouds. No man better or more instinctively did what is called hitting the nail on the head; and feeling his pre-eminence - feeling practically every day how completely they were his own judgment and action which were steering the vessel of the state through all the storms of faction and the quicksands of party jealousy; it is no wonder that he came habitually to hold the reins of power, and persuade himself that he must hold them. There is no doubt that he had in such a course to do the very things which he and his party had made mortal crimes in Charles; but the human mind is inimitable in excusing to itself what it deems necessary for the preservation of what it desires. Cromwell, pious but ambitious, for he was no hypocrite, but a zealot, soon came to satisfy himself, though not without some stout wrestlings of conscience, that he was destined to save the nation by the power of God working in him. All history has shown how easily the religious enthusiast slides into the belief that all which he deems necessary is dictated by God. From the date of the battle of Worcester the career of Cromwell was decided; he felt that he must embrace the republic in his own person. Friends and foes saw and felt that ultimatum. His enemies had long declared that he was in all but name "a king;" and both civil and military authorities addressed him in terms all but royal. By universal consent he stood before the nation the ruling spirit of the time. From the army, from the parliament, and from the people he was appealed to in language of the profoundest deference and flattery. The general officers laid their despatches "humbly at his excellency's feet;" petitioners presented their "lowly addresses to his godly wisdom," and besought his interest, seeing that "God had put the sword into his hand."

So early as 1649 two bills had been brought in to settle questions urgently demanded by the public, an act for a general amnesty, and for the termination of the present parliament. On his return from the battle of Worcester, Cromwell reminded parliament that these essential measures had not been completed. He carried the amnesty, so that all acts of hostility against the present government previous to the battle of Worcester were pardoned, and the royalists relieved from the fear of fresh forfeitures. The termination of parliament was fixed for the 3rd of November, 1654, and the interval of three years was to be zealously employed in framing a scheme for the election of a new parliament on the safest principles. At the same time Cromwell was living at Whitehall, in the house of the decapitated king, and with almost the state and power of a king himself. He summoned, therefore, the council of the army, and discussed amongst them what they deemed necessary to be done.

In this council it was agitated as to the best form of government for England, whether a pure republic, or a government with something of monarchy in it. The officers were for a republic, the lawyers for a limited monarchy. Cromwell agreed that the government must have something of monarchy in it, and asked who they would choose if that were decided? The lawyers said Charles Stuart, or if they found him too much bent on power, his brother the duke of Gloucester. There can be little doubt but that this was a feeler on the part of Cromwell, and as he was never likely to acquiesce in the restoration of a family which they had put down at so much cost, it would have the effect of causing him to proceed with caution. He had ascertained that the army was opposed to a king, the lawyers thought of no king but one from the old royal line. These were facts to be pondered.

Meantime the parliament, without proceeding to lay a platform for its successor, evidenced a jealousy of the ascendancy of the army; it voted a reduction of one-fourth of the army, and of the monthly assessment for its support from one hundred and twenty thousand pounds to ninety thousand pounds. In June, 1652, it proposed a fresh reduction, but this was opposed by the military council, and in August the officers appeared at the bar of the house with a petition, calling the attention of the parliament to the great question of the qualifications of future parliaments, to reform of the law, of religious abuses, to the dismissal of disaffected and scandalous persons from office, to the arrears due to the army, and to reform of mal-practices in the excise and the treasury.

The contest betwixt the army and the parliament was evidently growing every day more active. The commons had no desire to lay down their authority, and to retain their existence, even showed a leaning towards introducing a number of presbyterians under the name "neuters." To such a project the army was never likely to assent, and Cromwell proposed, in the council at Whitehall, that parliament should be at once dissolved, and a national council of forty persons, with himself at their head, should conduct affairs till a new parliament could be called on established principles. The conclusion, however, was that such a proceeding would be dangerous, and the authority of the council looked upon as unwarrantable.

Whilst these matters were in agitation, Whitelock says that Cromwell, on the 8th of November, 1652, desired a private interview with him, and in this urged the necessity of taking prompt and efficient measures for securing the great objects for which they had fought, and which he termed the mercies and successes which God had conferred on the nation. He inveighed warmly against the parliament, and declared that the army began to entertain a strange distaste to it; adding that he wished, there were not too much reason for it. "And really," he continued, "their pride, their self-seeking, their engrossing all places of honour and profit to themselves and their friends; their daily breaking forth into new and violent parties and factions; their delays of business, and designs to perpetuate themselves, and to continue the power in their own hands; their meddling in private matters between party and party, contrary to the institution of parliament; their injustice and partiality in these matters, and the scandalous fives of some of the chief of them, do give much ground for people to open their mouths against them, and to dislike them." He concluded by insisting on the necessity of some controlling power over them, to check these exorbitances, or that nothing could prevent the ruin of the commonwealth.

Whitelock admitted the truth of most of this, but defended the parliament generally, and reminded Cromwell that it was the parliament which had granted them their authority, and to Cromwell even his commission, and that it would be hard for them, under those circumstances, to curb their power.

But Cromwell broke out - "We all forget God, and God will forget us. God will give us up to confusion, and these men will help it on if they be suffered to proceed in their ways." And then, after some further talk, he suddenly observed, "What if a man should take upon him to be king?" Whitelock saw plainly enough what Oliver was thinking of, and replied as if he had directly asked whether he should assume that office himself. He told him that it would not do, and that he was much better off, and more influential as he was. "As to your person," he observed, "the title of king would be of no advantage, because you have the full kingly power already concerning the militia." He reminded him that in the appointment of civil offices, though he had no formal veto, his will was as much consulted as if he had, and so in all other departments, domestic and foreign. That he now had the power without the envy and danger which the pomp and circumstance of a king would bring.

Cromwell still argued the point; contending that though a man usurped the title without royal descent, yet the possession of the crown was declared by an act of Henry VII. to make a good title, and to indemnify the reigning king and all his ministers for their acts. Whitelock replied that, let their enemies once get the better of them, all such bills and indemnifications would be little regarded; and that to assume the crown would at once convert the quarrel into one not betwixt the king and the nation, but betwixt Charles Stuart and Oliver Cromwell. Cromwell admitted this, but asked what other course he could propose. White- lock said that of making a good bargain with Charles, who was now down, and might be treated with just on what terms they pleased; or if they thought him too confirmed in his opinions, there was the duke of York or the duke of Gloucester. Cromwell did not appear pleased with this suggestion; in fact, he had resolved to seize the chief power in some shape himself - and even had he not, he had too much common sense to agree to admit any one of the deposed family again to the throne, which would be to put their necks in the certain noose of royal vengeance. The death of Charles I. could never be forgiven. From this time, Whitelock says, Cromwell, though he made no accusation against him, yet "his carriage towards him from that time was altered, and his advising with him not so frequent and intimate as before."

Cromwell again, however, broached the subject amongst the officers and members of the council - St. John, Lenthall, the speaker, Desborough, Harrison, Fleetwood, and Whalley, not in so direct a manner, but that "a settlement, with something of the monarchical in it, would be very effectual." It does not appear that the project was very unanimously received by them, but they were unanimous that a new representation must take place, and no "neuters" should be admitted. Cromwell said emphatically, "Never shall any of that judgment who have deserted the cause be admitted to power." On the 19th of April the debate on this subject was continued very warmly till midnight, and they separated, to continue the discussion till the next day. Most of the officers had argued that the parliament must be dissolved "one way or another;" but the parliament men and lawyers, amongst them Whitelock and Widdrington, contended that a hasty dissolution would be dangerous, and Cromwell appeared to lean towards the moderate view. But scarcely had they met the next morning, and found a strange absence of the members of parliament, and an almost equal absence of officers, when colonel Ingoldsby hastened in and informed them that the commons were hard at work pushing forward their bill for increasing their own numbers by the introduction of the neuters; and that it was evident that they meant to hurry it through the house before the council could be informed of their attempt. Vane and others, well aware of Cromwell's design, were thus exerting themselves to defeat it.

At this news Cromwell instantly ordered a file of musketeers to attend him, and hastened to the house of commons, attended by Lambert, Harrison, and some other officers. He left the soldiers in the lobby of the house, and entering, went straight to his seat, where he sate for some time listening to the debate. He first spoke to St. John, telling him that he was come for a purpose which grieved him to the very soul, and that he had sought the Lord with tears not to impose it upon him; but there was a necessity, and that the glory of God and the good of the nation required it. He then beckoned Harrison to him, and said that he judged that the parliament was ripe for dissolution. Harrison, who was a fifth-monarchy man, and had been only with much persuasion brought over to this design, replied, "Sir, the work is very great and dangerous; I desire you seriously to consider before you engage in it." "You say well," answered the general, and sate yet about a quarter of an hour longer. But when the question was about to be put, he said to Harrison, "This is the time; I must do it;" and starting up, he took off his hat, and began speaking. At first he spoke of the question before the house, and commended the parliament for much that it had done, and well he might; for whatever its present corruption, it had nobly supported him and the fleet and army in putting down all their enemies, and raising the nation in the eyes of foreigners far beyond its reputation for the last century. But soon he came round to the corruption and self-seeking of the members, accusing them of being at that moment engaged in the very work of bringing in the presbyterians to destroy all that they had suffered so much to accomplish. Sir Harry Vane and Peter Wentworth ventured to call him to order, declaring that that was strange and unparliamentarily language from a servant of the house, and one that they had so much honoured. "I know it," exclaimed Cromwell, then stepping forward into the middle of the floor, and putting on his hat, and walking to and fro, casting angry glances at different members, exclaimed, "I tell you, you are no parliament. I will put an end to your prating. For shame! get you gone! Give place to honest men; to men who will more faithfully discharge their trust. You are no longer a parliament. The Lord has done with you. He has chosen other instruments for carrying on his work."