The Reign of George III. (Continued.) page 2

Why, then, it might have been asked, did he persevere so long, at so extreme a cost of life and money, in enforcing means which he neither approved in principle nor believed profitable? He confessed that the armaments sent out had not answered his expectation, and that he must now make his proposals conform to this want of success. The first of his bills, therefore, he entitled one "For removing all doubts and apprehensions concerning taxation by the parliament of Great Britain in any of the colonies." It repealed entirely the tea duty in America, and declared, " that from and after the passing of this act, the king and parliament of Great Britain will not impose any duty, tax, or assessment whatever, in any of his majesty's colonies, except only such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the regulation of commerce, the nett produce of such duty to be always paid and applied to and for the use of the colony in which the same shall be levied."

No one, who had paid the least attention to the temper of the Americans through the whole of the conflict, could suppose that, great as this concession was, and completely as it would have succeeded at first, it would avail now. The Americans claimed full independence, and were not likely to accept anything else. If they could be inclined to anything short of that, it would be total independence of any taxation under any guise whatever. The tea tax itself might be called a tax to regulate commerce; and as to expending such tax on the colony, the congress was already exercising that power of taxation for their own benefit to the fullest extent. Such a measure, at such a moment, could only be designated by that expressive term, " a peddling measure," and could only proceed from a mind totally incompetent to perceive the actualities of the occasion.

The second bill removed some otherwise insuperable obstacles to a treaty. The commissioners - five in number - were to raise no difficulties as to the legal ranks or titles of those with whom they would have to negotiate. They were empowered to proclaim a cessation of hostilities on the part of the king's forces by sea or land for any necessary term, and on any necessary conditions. They might suspend all the acts of parliament respecting America passed since 1763, yet the bill excepted the repeal of the Massachusetts Charter, and introduced that into a separate act; another weak measure, for on such an occasion the only wisdom was to wipe away all acts, or repeal of acts, which had arisen out of these unhappy differences. Making a separate bill of the renewal of this repeal was only calculated to draw the thoughts of the Americans to the past arbitrary spirit of Great Britain, when the policy should have been to keep it wholly in the background.

After having thus made every concession which Chatham and the opposition had so often warned ministers that they would be compelled to make, North concluded a speech of two hours' length by a little bravado. He declared that he would not have it supposed that these concessions were dictated by weakness, or any fear of the result if these terms were rejected, We were in a condition to carry on the war much longer. The navy was never in greater strength; the revenue was very little affected; and the supplies for the present year would be raised with perfect ease.

The effect of this statement has been well described in the " Annual Register" of that year, in an article supposed to be from the hand of Burke: - "A dull, melancholy silence for some time succeeded this speech. It had been heard with profound attention, but without a single mark of approbation of any part, from any description of men, or any particular man in the house. Astonishment, dejection, and fear overclouded the whole assembly. Although the minister had declared that the sentiments he had expressed that day had been those which he always entertained, it is certain that few or none had understood him in that manner, and he had been represented to the nation at large as the person in it the most tenacious of those parliamentary rights which he now proposed to resign, and the most adverse to the submissions which he now proposed to make."

If there was any party in the house to which this exposition gave pleasure, it was the opposition. To them it was an unquestionable triumph. The ministerial supporters were confounded and abashed at being thus, as it were, laid at the feet of their enemies, compelled to justify all their assertions. Some of them were perfectly frantic at the idea of offering to the rebels terms like these. They declared that it was little short of treason, and worse than simple cowardice. They exclaimed that they were betrayed and disgraced. On the other hand, the opposition hurled upon them whole showers of taunts and raillery. They could not sufficiently express their satisfaction at seeing this obstinate administration reduced to the necessity of thus confirming all their prophecies. Fox congratulated lord North on his conversion, and, complimenting his friends of the opposition on the acquisition of such an ally, he only lamented that he had awoke to the truth too late - it was now useless. He announced that there was a very strong report that, within the last ten days, France had actually signed a treaty with America, fully acknowledging its independence, and entering into the most advantageous commercial relations with it. Lord North continued silent, and, though pointedly questioned on the subject, he still retained his taciturnity for some time. Sir George Saville, however, was not to be thus put off, and North was compelled to make the humiliating confession that he had heard such a report, but that, as it was not official, he could not affirm or deny it.

On this, a tempest of indignation and abuse burst forth. Wilkes was particularly lively with his sarcasms, and with his eulogiums of American wisdom and prowess. The duke of Richmond, in the upper house, read the declaration of independence, and asked ministers whether they meant to subscribe to the language of that document, that the king was a tyrant, and the other charges against Englishmen and English institutions. He declared that after what had taken place in France, the Americans would reject the bills of lord North with scorn, and would attribute them only to the knowledge of the French alliance. He charged ministers with having sent persons over to Paris to endeavour to tamper with Franklin and Deane, and that the only consequence had been that Franklin had warned congress that some such paltry and insincere measures would be offered them, only to amuse and delude them; and that since the treaty with France they ought not to listen to them, or treat with Great Puritain in any manner. Lords Temple and Shelburne still protested against any recognition of the independence of America. After all the tempest of objurgation, both the bills passed without a division; and, on the 12th of March, James Luttrell moved that, should the commissioners find that the continuance in office of any particular ministry was an obstruction to the work of conciliation, at the instance of the American congress, such ministers should be dismissed. This was the utmost insult which could be offered to North and his luckless administration, yet it received thirty-five votes. The king gave his assent to these bills, and North managed to carry a resolution for a loan of six millions, for the continuation of the war, if necessary.

These unfortunate affairs precipitated the resignation of lord George Germaine. His proud and impetuous temper had occasioned the resignation already of Sir Guy Carleton and of the two Howes. All complained that they could not obtain the necessary reinforcements and supplies from him as the colonial minister; and his tart and insolent replies to these complaints produced the retirement of all these three commanders. He was already charged with having been the luckless projector of Burgoyne's disastrous expedition. Sir Henry Clinton was named the successor to the command of the forces in America, in the place of Sir William Howe. The punishment of North for the policy which, in the face of all the genius and ability of the country, had thus virtually lost America, was every day falling more crushingly upon him. On the 13th of March the marquis de Noailles, the French ambassador in London, and the uncle of La Fayette's wife, handed to lord Weymouth a note formally announcing the treaty of friendship and commerce betwixt France and America. On the 17th it was the bitter duty of lord North to read this remarkable document to the house of commons. The affected right to make such p, treaty with the colonies of another nation, and the professions of goodwill, notwithstanding such an interference, amounted to the keenest irony, if not downright insult. The announcement was to this effect: -

"The United States of North America, who are in fall possession of independence, as pronounced by them on the 4th of July, 1776, having proposed to the king of France to consolidate, by a formal convention, the connection to be established between the two nations, the respective plenipotentiaries have signed a treaty of friendship and commerce, designed to serve as a foundation for their mutual good correspondence. His majesty, the French king, being resolved to cultivate the present good understanding betwixt France and Great Britain by every means compatible with his dignity, and the good of his subjects, thinks it necessary to make his proceedings known to the court of London, and to declare at the same time that the contracting parties have paid great attention not to stipulate any exclusive advantages in favour of the French nation; and that the United States have reserved the liberty of treating with every nation whatsoever upon the same footing of equality and reciprocity. In making this communication to the court of London, the king is firmly persuaded it will find therein new proofs of his majesty's constant and sincere disposition for peace; and that his Britannic majesty, animated by the same friendly sentiments, will equally avoid everything that may alter their good harmony, and that he will particularly take effectual measures to prevent the commerce between his (French) majesty's subjects and the United States of America being interrupted; and to cause all usages received between commercial nations to be, in this respect, observed, and all those rules which can be said to subsist between the two courts of France and Great Britain. In this just confidence, the undersigned ambassador thinks it superfluous to acquaint the British minister, that the king, his master, being determined to protect effectually the lawful commerce of his subjects, and to maintain the dignity of his flag, has, in consequence, taken effectual measures, in concert with the Thirteen United and Independent States of America."

The reading of this French note aroused at once the old feeling of enmity betwixt France and England. If there was a strong resentment against the Americans before, it now became tenfold. The war became popular with all, except the extreme opposition. Lord North moved an appropriate address to the king; the opposition moved as an amendment to it, that his majesty should dismiss the ministers. Loyal addresses from both houses were, however, carried by large majorities. In the debate in the commons, governor Pownall declared that the Americans would not listen to any treaty with us, except on the basis of being remunerated for all the expenses and damages of the war; and that as paying them in money was impossible, we must cede to them Canada, Nova Scotia, and Newfoundland. This, he said, he knew would be insisted on by congress! To such a pitch was the spirit of the Americans elated by the treaty with France. In the lords, there was a high debate on the condition of the navy, which lord Sandwich declared was double in strength and number of ships to what it had been half a century before. There was also a stiff debate in the common? on the mischievous effects of the contracts for the army and navy, in which lord George Gordon exclaimed, that North was the greatest of all contractors - a contractor for men, a contractor for parliament, a contractor for the representatives of the people; and that his earnest wish was, that this sad minister would, to save his country and his own life, call off his butchers from America, retire with all the rest of his majesty's evil advisers, and turn from his wickedness and live.

Meantime, a war with France was inevitable. In consequence of the French note, the king ordered lord Stormont to quit Paris, and the marquis de Noailles took his departure from London, where, spite of his official character, he was no longer safe from popular insult. Orders were also sent to the lord-lieutenants of the several counties, to call out the militia. No time was lost either in naming the five commissioners to proceed to America, to carry out the proposals of lord North's bills. Of these, lord and Sir William Howe were, if still there, to make two. Lord Carlisle, a young man of fashion, was placed at the head of the commission; on which the duke of Richmond said in the upper house, that one of the governors of America had ridiculed congress, because some of the members sate with woollen caps on; and how very ill-chosen must men of fashion be as an embassy to men in woollen night-caps! The other two commissioners were William Eden, afterwards lord Auckland, and George, commonly called governor Johnstone, because formerly governor of Florida.

Through all these arrangements lord North continued to persist in his resignation. If the king had had any glimmering of what was necessary to save the colonies, he would have removed him himself long ago. But the only man who could take the place with any probability of success, or with any of the confidence of the public, was lord Chatham, whom the king regarded, notwithstanding his late apparent acquiescence, with increasing aversion. Chatham's pride, which would not stoop an inch to mere outside royalty, feeling the higher royalty of his own mind, so far from seeking office, must himself be sought, and this deeply offended the monarch. Lord North could point to no other efficient successor, and George angrily replied, that as regarded " lord Chatham and his crew," he would not condescend to send for " that perfidious man " as prime minister; he would only do it to offer him and his friends places in the ministry of lord North.

This was in effect to say that he would not send for him at all, for Chatham would come on no such conditions. Yet lord North, with the same want of perception of the impossible which induced him to pass his bills for American conciliation, induced William Eden, one of the new commissioners, to sound Chatham on this head.